Rating: 
Summary: The Prologue of Over Here!
Review: "Over Here" answers in great detail the big question: What happened in the United States during the war?" The Prologue: Spring 1917, the beginning piece of the book gives the interlude to the United State entry into the war and draws a picture why the Americans were needed in the war. The section explains that the armies in the European theater are frozen at the battlefronts and endlessly drain of men and material in the trenches. The conditions of the European people were weary of war. Great Britain started food rationing, shipping controls, liquor regulation, and other measures. The very character of Great Britain society had changed and the slow progress for home rule in Ireland brought a rise in frustration for Irish nationalists. France was experiencing a futile slaughter on the trenches and French troops began to mutiny. Russia experienced a revolution that overthrew the Czar in response to the millions of soldiers slaughtered, peasants that had been herded unarmed into battle, and civilians subjected to unspeakable suffering. In Germany, the wartime solidarity began to crack, inflation rose, and food supplies dipped. It details the grounds of the United States' declaration of the war with the Zimmerman telegram, which was published and intercepted from German Foreign Secretary to the ambassador in Mexico and pushed the President to declaring war. The other topics covered in the prologue are the reasons people did not want to support the war and United States' preparedness. Kennedy explains all these things and begins it all together to the United States marching to Europe. We learn that the two million American Expeditionary Force were more sightseers than soldiers. Kennedy's book is a great choice, if you want to learn in greater detail about American society and the troops that went over there to Europe.
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Summary: The "Disillusionment" of Progressives
Review: "Over Here" is an important and clearly-written work in a much-neglected area of historical inquiry--the homefront during time of war in foreign lands. It provides a nice supplement to the classic accounts of WWI that focus more on the battlefields, like Barabara Tuchman's "The Guns of August." Over Here describes the unthinkable degree of xenophobia and repression of dissent that the Wilson administration, particularly Postmaster General Albert Sidney Burleson and Attorney General Thomas W. Gregory, directed and encouraged, and recounts horrible tales, such as the Prager and Goddard incidents, that should live on forever as warnings against future state support of vigilantism and "100 Percent Americanism." This is especially relevant these days in light of Attorney General Ashcroft's war on civil liberties and the revival of the evil specter of 100 Percent Americanism by the famous xenophobe Pat Buchanan. While today's assaults on liberty are not yet nearly as dastardly as those during WWI, Over Here's historical record serves as a clear warning against repeating past errors and a stunning indictment of the enemies of open society, past and present. The book also stands as a caution against the dangers of concentrated government power, particularly during wartime, and of excessive and naïve confidence in the capacity of the government to do good. It confirms the Libertarian Harry Browne's warning: "Beware of politicians with good intentions." President Wilson was a Progressive former professor who came to office with optimistic views on improving the lot of the common man by expanding the role of government in domestic affairs and actively promoting peace in the world. Early in his administration, Wilson's words inspired hope in socialists and other leftists around the world. It is particularly credible, therefore, when a fellow progressive/liberal academic like Professor Kennedy describes how, in practice, Wilson did not have the courage of his convictions and some of his ideas turned out not to work as well in the real world as they did in the lecture halls of academia. His behavior as President was characterized by trepidation and cowardice. Instead of prosperity and harmony at home and peace and unity in the world, fledgling labor unions and leftist dissent were ruthlessly crushed at home and the world remained bitterly divided after the end of a brutal and demoralizing war. Instead of progress for workers and a "war to end all wars," the international left was disillusioned and the seeds were sown for a second, more devastating war to come. Over Here is a great work of scholarship that is also eminently readable and concise, so that both the historian and the layperson should enjoy it immensely. Despite the author's progressive slant, he applies a light touch in the book that should make it palatable for most conservatives, largely leaving the reader to make one's own conclusions, though the case is made sufficiently strongly that the conclusions are nearly inevitable. The author does eloquently summarize his case on the book jacket, saying the book is "in many ways a sad story, a tale of death, broken hopes, frustrated dreams, and of the curious defeat-in-victory that was Woodrow Wilson's and the nation's, bitter lot." This book well earned its recognition as a Pulitzer Prize Finalist. "This is a war to end all wars." --Woodrow Wilson
"Only the dead have seen the end of war." --George Santayana's counter to Wilson's quote
Rating:
Summary: history at its finest
Review: Although it probably has broad appeal given the topic and the fame of its author, this book is not aimed primarily at a broad audience; it is first and foremost a work of historical scholarship, by a serious and talented historian. Even so, and as full of analysis and information as this book is, it is eminently readable and is likely the defining book on the social effects of World War I in the United States. It is, in short, an extraordinarily fine work of academic history. In the years preceding American entry into WWI, Progressivism dominated the political and social landscape. Advocating any number of platforms--from prohibition of alcohol and women's suffrage, to the causes of labor and agriculture, Progressives were extremely active. At the root of their activism, in a sense, was what the role of the federal government was and what it would be. In many ways, as Kennedy points out, World War I weighed in on this question in favor of greater government involvement. During the war, the US government entered a number of spheres of American life and exerted a controlling influence. And yet, for this involvement and for the promise it held for the pursuit of Progressive ideals, the war effort left much undecided, and following the war, much of the gains were lost. The cause of organized labor had been gutted by wartime efforts to guarantee continued production and remained in shambles at the war's end. Prohibition gained ground, but on the whole, Kennedy argues that the cause of Progressivism and social reform suffered a serious blow as a result of the war. And the question about the government's role was far from settled; the 1920s witnessed a return to virtual non-involvement. This, along with other issues, would only find resolution during the Depression and the New Deal. In this way, then, Over Here is, indeed, prologue to his Freedom from Fear, which covers the eventual answering of many of these lingering questions--including the legitimacy of a more active federal government. Over Here is essential reading for anyone interested in modern American political and social history.
Rating:
Summary: Great History
Review: As the author writes, World War I was an affair of the mind. Here is an excellent portrait of America in 1917 with warts and all. Professor Kennedy brings many interesting personalities of that time to life including John Dewey, Randolph Bourne, George Creel and many others. This book also contains the only good discussion of economic warfare as waged by the United States against Germany during 1917-18 that I've come across. Mitchell Palmer convinced Congress to seize control of thousands of U.S. chemical patents held by German firms or individuals. This amendment was passed on 4 November 1918, just seven days before the armistice. "Shortly thereafter he sold 4,500 lucrative patents at bargain-basement rates to the Chemical Foundation, a newly minted creation of the American chemical industry. (sound familiar?) The Foundation then licensed to member firms production rights under the various patents.. . Palmer provoked the German government to complain that his policies, 'were designed to destroy Germany's economic existence upon this continent.'" His handling of the military side, including mobilization and the Meuse Argonne offensive are also insightful. His view of Pershing and the effectiveness of the AEF will rouse some scorn from those who only wish to read unquestioning tales of American superiority and genius, but that is as it should be given the actual events.
Rating:
Summary: Great History
Review: As the author writes, World War I was an affair of the mind. Here is an excellent portrait of America in 1917 with warts and all. Professor Kennedy brings many interesting personalities of that time to life including John Dewey, Randolph Bourne, George Creel and many others. This book also contains the only good discussion of economic warfare as waged by the United States against Germany during 1917-18 that I've come across. Mitchell Palmer convinced Congress to seize control of thousands of U.S. chemical patents held by German firms or individuals. This amendment was passed on 4 November 1918, just seven days before the armistice. "Shortly thereafter he sold 4,500 lucrative patents at bargain-basement rates to the Chemical Foundation, a newly minted creation of the American chemical industry. (sound familiar?) The Foundation then licensed to member firms production rights under the various patents.. . Palmer provoked the German government to complain that his policies, 'were designed to destroy Germany's economic existence upon this continent.'" His handling of the military side, including mobilization and the Meuse Argonne offensive are also insightful. His view of Pershing and the effectiveness of the AEF will rouse some scorn from those who only wish to read unquestioning tales of American superiority and genius, but that is as it should be given the actual events.
Rating: 
Summary: An insightful review of WWI's impact on a very young U.S.
Review: David Kennedy continues to demonstrate a rare ability to convey the impact of major historical events on a young and often isolationist United States. This book is not similar to "Freedom From Fear", his seminal work on the Great Depression thru the conclusion of WWII. That work, while simply magnificent, was a complete history and sought to bring out all major points of importance to the U.S. of a very significant period of time. "Over Here" is more selective in what the author is trying to convey; that is to say that Kennedy expends virtually all his energy focusing on more of the consequents in terms of societal implications rather than of their respective antecedents, ie the actual Great War on a very politically complicated and framented European continent. All serious students of 20th Century American history should consider this required reading.
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Summary: Not like Freedom From Fear
Review: I so enjoyed Kennedy's Freedom From Fear that when I saw this book I wanted to read it. But it is not nearly as "popular" a work as Freedom from Fear. Two or three chapters are hard to get interested in, I thought. He does talk about the AEF's time in Europe, and seems much more deprecating toward it than is usual from American authors. For instance, The Defeat of Imperial Germany 1917-1918 by Rod Paschall, while it may over-emphasize the role of the AEF, is, I think a needed corrective to Kennedy's down-playing of the American role in World War One.
As the books Kennedy relies on have made clear (e.g., Opponents of War 1917-1918, by H. C. Peterson and Gilbert C. Fite), the record of the Wilson Administration in the field of civil liberties in wartime to a present-day viewer is sobering, the legal system seemingly surrendering to the war hysteria (as some today seem to again urge it do). The book also has an insightful discussion of the contrast between American writing about the war compared to the more pessimistic view of men who were more sated by their longer involvment in the hell which was the Western front. Don't get me wrong, there is a lot of interesting stuff in this book--it is just that some chapters may not be overly exciting to a non-economist, for instance.
Rating:
Summary: An Important Addition to Any Reader's Collection
Review: Kennedy's masterful look at World War I society in America proves to rank among the best accounts of the early twentieth century. He covers those who joined the war effort, the war effort at home and abroad, and the various issues relative to the Wilson Administration in terms of effectiveness and quality with a certain sophisticated nature that makes this work a must-have for undergraduate and/or graduate level U.S. history classes. Kennedy's obvious strengths are evident in his coverage of war and the Wilson administration yet it must be noted that his lack of bias must also be taken as a strength.
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Summary: All Quiet on the US Front
Review: The irony of war tugs at the souls of those who have not actually experienced it. David Kennedy's OVER HERE: THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND AMERICAN SOCIETY is a good social and cultural assessment of what occurred on American soil during World War I. American nationalism prevailed, and the United States emerged from its isolationism to help their European brethrens from German invasion. Despite the patriotic pomp and circumstance and extreme volunteerism by more than 50,000 young American men who became a part of independent armies that helped to form the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), the war ended with much disappointment both politically and economically as well as the loss of a generation from the European and US front.
OVER THERE is a comprehensive study, at this point, for its genre and focus on American society. It crosses the boundaries between literary and historical significance during this period in American history known as the Great War. Kennedy did a fine job sifting through archives of material to present an exceptional and readable piece of scholarship that helps readers understand the social aspects of World War I and the period of 1917-1919. He covers most of the major issues that have typified the war and the aftermath of the war, such as nationalism, repressed dissent, disillusionment, and xenophobia. This was the first modernized and mechanized war that simply was not fully prepared for its consquences. This was the period in which mass communication played a significant role in communicating both views of the war from Progressives, Populists to pacificists -- propaganda came into vogue with mass publications and depictions of the "enemy" as well as the "doughboys".
This is a highly recommended book that concentrates on the US homefront, and occassionally refers to the war front. It supplements previous and current research that explores the war that, unfortunately, was not the war to end all wars. However, for those who did not return, their legacy is embedded in history as well as frozen in time. The war dead would later be symbolized through complex postmodern interpretations and proportions, and collective memory for those who survived.
Rating:
Summary: Excellent
Review: This is a fine work by the author of the Pulitzer winning "Freedom from Fear". In this book, Prof. Kennedy provides a thematic overview of the American experience in WWI. This is not a narrative history but an analysis of several important aspects of that experience. Topics include the effect of entry into the war and the war experience on the Progressive Movement; the impact of the war on the American economy, the American Labor movement, and the Federal Government; the experience of organizing the large army; the efforts to plan for a postwar world; and the ultimate failure of Wilson's efforts to make the US the leader of benign international order. Kennedy shows very well how the debate over war entry and splintered the Progressive movement. The suppression of dissent during and after the war dealt a serious blow to reformers and the liberal-left movement that had been the prewar engine of reform. Government efforts during the war were characterized by efforts to persuade business rather than developing a centralized economy, though central planning and coercion would probably have been necessary if the war had continued. There is a particularly good chapter on American efforts to use the war to establish American preeminence in international trade, followed by American withdrawal from that role. One defect of the book is that the thematic organization of the chapters leaves some important points unconnected. For example, in an early chapter Kennedy argues cogently that the turn to the right that accompanied the war, encouraged by his administration, would rob him ultimately of important allies for supporting his internationalism in the postwar period. At the end of the book, he makes similar points about Wilson's conduct towards European Liberal-Left movements but these two complementary points are never connected explicitly. Kennedy is an excellent writer and this book contains a great deal of first rate analysis. Recommended strongly.
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