Tom Paine And Revolutionary America

Rating:
Summary: Paine in the context of his time.
Review: I had bought this book because I wanted to learn more about Tom Paine. Paine is one of those historical characters who keeps popping up on the edges of discussion, and about whom I knew very little. I became a lot more aware of him through my media studies, given that he was one of the first radical figures to use media effectively as a weapon.

In any case, this isn't a biography of Paine, and assumes that the reader already knows (or isn't interested in) many biographical details. The book is more about Paine's reception by the society of the time, with a focus on issues such as the role of artisans, balanced government, republicanism, and free markets. It tracks how Paine was received as political pamphleteer not only in the revolutionary US, but also in the UK and revolutionary France.

I think that the book would have meant a lot more to me if I'd already had more background, but the chapter notes did a good job of pointing me to the best books for further reading.

Rating:
Summary: Paine: One of America's first Public Intellectuals
Review: Paine was a latecomer to pre-revolutionary America, arriving in November, 1774. But he had already been somewhat involved in struggles against oppressive conditions in Great Britain, where he had become acquainted with Benjamin Franklin. Having paid his way to America (not arriving as an indentured servant), Paine quickly became a key figure in revolutionary Philadelphia through his writings for a newspaper, his position being secured by a letter from Franklin, and through the publication of "Common Sense," perhaps the most influential and widely read pamphlet of the times. The author makes clear that Paine did not accept the commonly held view that the balanced government of Great Britain involving monarchy, nobility, and commoners was the ideal form. In "Common Sense," he denounced the entire idea of hereditary monarchy and advocated for republican government with near universal voting rights, of course, only among free, white men. In his scheme, the main element of government should be a unicameral legislature, eschewing the notion of conflicting class interests. He made clear that there were no valid reasons to not seek independence.


Philadelphia had been dominated by the merchant elite in the time before Paine's arrival, but the impending conflict with Great Britain began to unleash new social forces. A considerable portion of the book is devoted to exploring the conflicting interests of merchants, farmers, artisans, and laborers in Philadelphia and the colonies. The formation of a local militia was especially upsetting to the status quo, as the militiamen, originating from the lower orders of society, demanded recognition for their sacrifice. The issuance of paper money by colonial governments to finance the war resulted in rampant inflation. Inflated, free-market pricing versus traditional "just" prices became a controversial issue, which was intertwined with claims of producers withholding or monopolizing products. Attempts to control prices met with little success. Debtors were less concerned with that inflation (except for higher prices) than were merchants and master craftsmen who advocated for private banking based on tight credit. The author notes that Paine, while a republican, was an advocate for free commerce. He backed the Philadelphia merchant, Robert Morris, in establishing a bank in Philadelphia in the early 1780s. That controversy foretold the many banking controversies that have occurred throughout American history.


The author follows Paine as he returned to Great Britain and revolutionary France in 1787. The "Rights of Man" and a sequel became as influential in Great Britain among artisans in the early 1790s as had his earlier pamphlet in America. He had to escape to France to avoid prosecution for denouncing the crown and advocating taxing the nobility and ending their state pensions. Paine was celebrated by one faction in revolutionary France and was elected to the new National Convention, even though he spoke little French. His failure to support the execution of Louis XVI landed him in prison for a year when the Jacobins seized power from more moderate forces. Paine's tract on deism "The Age of Reason," begun while incarcerated, was, in part, an attack on Christianity and its reliance on "revelations and miracles." But as the author says, "In America, far more critics of society spoke the language of revivalist Protestantism and Christian perfectionism than of deist rationalism." Paine's arguments were far better received in France with a secular, anti-clerical tradition.


Paine returned to American in 1802, but his anti-religious views did not sit well with clergy and devout followers. Many of his former friends, including Jefferson, would have nothing to do with him. He died nearly alone in 1809. This book is hardly a conventional biography of Paine. Its intent is to understand the social and political environment in which Paine was able to exert influence. Much of what Paine had to say was not necessarily original, but he had a direct manner of writing that made his views accessible to all social layers. The author also notes that Paine's radicalism did not have the class element that was a part of the radical critique of the industrial revolution in later years. In Paine's view commerce was a unifying social force, not one that created capitalists and a working class at profound odds. Paine is a somewhat obscure and forgotten man. His peripatetic nature, his limited years in the colonies, and his not holding any significant political office - all serve to relegate Paine to a secondary role, at least in perception. But the author contends that Paine had substantial influence in American thought, even if subtle and not well recognized.