Jim Crow's Children: The Broken Promise of the Brown Decision

Rating:
Summary: Poignant Book Report
Review: BOOK SUMMARY - this paragon is a compilation of court cases, impact and results, of: segregation, integration, desegregation, federal vs. state powers, black vs. white imbalance, and urban vs. rural education with respect to race. This is a powerful book, which will encourage you to challenge your own educational background and to reminisce about your own upbringing, whether your race is black or white, and to which generation you feel connected - something for everyone at all ages. After reading the book, I think it explains a lot of racism from our parents, grandparents, and forefathers before them, because of the dearth of reference points that we have today with an integrated society. In hindsight, it (racism) doesn't excuse our ancestor's behavior, but it does elucidate the issue.

You will gain an erudite perspective with regards to the impact of Jim Crow schools. "Jim Crow's Children" illuminates a progressive evolution that embarks upon the journey through slavery, to sharecroppers, to `nigras', to Negro's, to Blacks, and to present day African-American socioeconomic plights. Court cases are interspersed throughout this lucid and professionally-researched anthropology throughout the past 150 years. This collection of historic, judicial impact superbly demonstrates the current situation that faces our education system and affirms the book's statistics through Peter Irons's interview with high school students.

PERSONAL REVIEW - Awesome, Thought-provoking, Engaged, Intellectual, Piercing and Educational are words that describe this compilation. I agree with the reader below, who remarks that many of the statistics divulged are extremely confusing in prose, compared to charts. This setback is cumbersome and I believe the only foible of the author.

Education is only one example where the disparity of whites and blacks diverge. Both races are to censure (and laud), our accomplishments, as well as our governmental policies and jurisprudence. I was surprised to learn of the glaring statistic of black, female head-of-household in urban cities and the author's comments of role models for OUR nation's black children (I am Caucasian). Too often, I find the personalities of Rev. Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Louis Farrachan chide white America on the divergence of race relations and blame our society for its woes. Why isn't their rhetoric more solution-based to create alternative methods to mollify the affect of languishing family values (ie: dead beat dads, poverty, safe sex, education, drugs, cultural integration, etc.) for BOTH races?

I highly recommend reading this book, regardless of race, disposition, or creed. In addition, I encourage you to discuss and debate the issues as we strive for racial harmony. For without intellectual dialogue we will continue to have "two cities: one white, one black." Perhaps, Peter Irons will be an expert witness with the University of Michigan admissions policy.

Rating:
Summary: Poignant Book Report
Review: BOOK SUMMARY - this paragon is a compilation of court cases, impact and results, of: segregation, integration, desegregation, federal vs. state powers, black vs. white imbalance, and urban vs. rural education with respect to race. This is a powerful book, which will encourage you to challenge your own educational background and to reminisce about your own upbringing, whether your race is black or white, and to which generation you feel connected - something for everyone at all ages. After reading the book, I think it explains a lot of racism from our parents, grandparents, and forefathers before them, because of the dearth of reference points that we have today with an integrated society. In hindsight, it (racism) doesn't excuse our ancestor's behavior, but it does elucidate the issue.

You will gain an erudite perspective with regards to the impact of Jim Crow schools. "Jim Crow's Children" illuminates a progressive evolution that embarks upon the journey through slavery, to sharecroppers, to 'nigras', to Negro's, to Blacks, and to present day African-American socioeconomic plights. Court cases are interspersed throughout this lucid and professionally-researched anthropology throughout the past 150 years. This collection of historic, judicial impact superbly demonstrates the current situation that faces our education system and affirms the book's statistics through Peter Irons's interview with high school students.

PERSONAL REVIEW - Awesome, Thought-provoking, Engaged, Intellectual, Piercing and Educational are words that describe this compilation. I agree with the reader below, who remarks that many of the statistics divulged are extremely confusing in prose, compared to charts. This setback is cumbersome and I believe the only foible of the author.

Education is only one example where the disparity of whites and blacks diverge. Both races are to censure (and laud), our accomplishments, as well as our governmental policies and jurisprudence. I was surprised to learn of the glaring statistic of black, female head-of-household in urban cities and the author's comments of role models for OUR nation's black children (I am Caucasian). Too often, I find the personalities of Rev. Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Louis Farrachan chide white America on the divergence of race relations and blame our society for its woes. Why isn't their rhetoric more solution-based to create alternative methods to mollify the affect of languishing family values (ie: dead beat dads, poverty, safe sex, education, drugs, cultural integration, etc.) for BOTH races?

I highly recommend reading this book, regardless of race, disposition, or creed. In addition, I encourage you to discuss and debate the issues as we strive for racial harmony. For without intellectual dialogue we will continue to have "two cities: one white, one black." Perhaps, Peter Irons will be an expert witness with the University of Michigan admissions policy.

Rating:
Summary: Good History, So-so Social Analysis
Review: In high school, college and to some extent in law school, the Brown decision was presented as some sort of cultural epiphany during which our nation woke up and realized that racial classifications were wrong. Although the Brown decision certainly marks a turning point in race relations as well as constitutional jurisprudence, it is less national self-realization than the culmination of concentrated efforts of numerous brave individuals.

The book is accessible to lawyers and laypersons alike. Irons does an excellent job of avoiding "legalese." Where legal terms are necessary, he explains them. His writing is clear and to the point.

Irons opens by discussing the concentrated efforts to prohibit black slaves from receiving an education. He shows how depriving education was a powerful and effective weapon in the racist arsenal. He touches briefly on the Dred Scott and Plessy v. Ferguson decisions to set the stage. More importantly, however, he introduces the readers that are not overly familiar with legal education to Sweatt v. Painter and McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents. These two decisions addressed integrating post-secondary education and were decided before Brown. They also show that Brown was a gradual progression and that Plessy was eroded slowly.

His insight in to 19th Century attempts at school integration is enlightening. Brown and its companion cases were not cases of first impression (the first time a court decides an issue). When the NAACP tried to integrate schools, it had numerous judicial opinions against it. The NAACP legal team, headed by Thurgood Marshall, made calculated attacks on school segregation to set the issue up for review by the Supreme Court.

Irons penetrates the secrecy of the Supreme Court to give us a glimpse of how Brown was decided. Of particular interest is how Earl Warren worked to achieve a unanimous court. Some readers will no doubt be surprised to learn that school integration was not the foregone conclusion we think of it as today.

The real value of the book comes when Irons moves in to the post-Brown era. He examines the battle between the federal courts and state governments to implement the Brown decision. His discussion of the busing cases is excellent. For those who think that the battle over school integration ended, his analysis of the current court's resegregation cases will be eye opening.

The main critique of other reviewers appears to concentrate on his conclusion that integrated education is the magic bullet of race relations. I agree with his conclusion that integrated education will assist in that area, but the support he cites is not adequate to get to there. In other words, he bit off more than he can chew. It is a tough job to write a generally accessible book making social conclusions based on in depth academic studies. When he cites statistics, it gets a bit confusing. I think the general reader's attention will wander which hurts his point.

Rather than end the book by referring quickly to studies and statistics to make a conclusion, it may have been better to put the information in an afterward with a suggested reading list. His suggested readings are good, but would benefit from being topically arranged. By allowing readers to follow-up and verify the validity of Irons' opinion, school integration could actually become the epiphany as which we idealize the Brown decision.

Rating:
Summary: Too complex of a problem for a single simple solution
Review: Mr. Irons is an advocate. A graduate of Harvard Law school. He does a magnificent job of presenting the history of Jim Crow from a legal perspective. It is a splendid refresher course in High School Civics: The Dred Scott decision that negroes were property; Plessy vs. Ferguson establishing the doctrine of "Separate but Equal," and the myriad cases argued by Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP leading up to the desegregation decision in "Brown vs. Board of Education."

Segregation advocates recognized even fifty years ago that their arguments for separate schools were weak in light of the 14th Amendment. The surprise is the degree to which the Warren Court took psychological testimony, the self esteem argument, into account. Separate schools, they concluded, could not be equal simply because of the stigma that separation imposed on black children. Full and equal citizens must enjoy the right to participate fully and equally in the society.

The book traces the progress of desegregation from 1954 onward, including busing and other measures to force integration. Mr. Irons laments the limited success of these measures in achieving their objective, equal educational and financial achievement by blacks in an integrated society.

Why, then, do differences persist? Mr. Irons argues that ongoing differences result from continued de facto separation of the races in schools, the inferior economic status of blacks, and the high incidence of single mothers among the black population. These situations perpetuate a cycle of lower expectations, lower self-esteem and lower achievement among blacks. Take them away, he suggests, and blacks would perform at the same level as everyone else in society.

Mr. Irons takes the obligatory swipe at "The Bell Curve," leading with the phrase "Virtually all reputable scholars reject claims, most recently leveled by Richard Herrenstein and Charles Murray.....who conducted no research of their own." It is true that they saw their task as compilation.. They acknowledged that the relationships among social status, income, intelligence and race are vastly complex. Their goal was to bring together and analyze all the significant statistical data from diverse studies in many countries over many decades. Though one would not know it from the reception it got, the book is not even primarily about race. Mr. Irons did not footnote his claim about "all reputable scholars." The only one he cites, Richard Nisbett, has not written a book on the subject, only a 16-page tract entitled "Race Genetics and IQ," ..It cites a handful of studies with limited numbers of subjects dating mostly from the 1930s to the 1970s. Mr. Irons chooses to ignore a number of published authors he must regard as disreputable, among them William Shockley, Arthur Jensen, and Philippe Rushton. Whatever their shortcomings, they have published books to offer their thoughts for public scrutiny. Mr. Irons should not have ducked the chance to refute them.

Mr. Irons is totally focused on U.S. society. The book would be richer, though his thesis would be more difficult to support, if he were to consider the situation of blacks elsewhere in the world. He would find that whatever their situation with regard to education and income, the degree of equality between blacks and whites in the U.S far exceeds that in any other part of the world, including Africa, Europe, the Caribbean and Latin America. Jim Crow is a weak explanation for the status of blacks in France or Haiti.

Thinkers throughout the history of our country, including great minds such as deTocqueville Twain and Mencken have devoted a great deal of thought to the natures of the races and relationships between them. While there is no agreement, all would say it is tremendously complex. School integration and busing were simple ideas that had their opportunity to resolve the situation. They didn't. We can thank Mr. Irons for a wonderful history lesson. Sadly, his thinking is trapped in his own history.

Rating:
Summary: Too complex of a problem for a single simple solution
Review: Mr. Irons is an advocate. A graduate of Harvard Law school. He does a magnificent job of presenting the history of Jim Crow from a legal perspective. It is a splendid refresher course in High School Civics: The Dred Scott decision that negroes were property; Plessy vs. Ferguson establishing the doctrine of "Separate but Equal," and the myriad cases argued by Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP leading up to the desegregation decision in "Brown vs. Board of Education."

Segregation advocates recognized even fifty years ago that their arguments for separate schools were weak in light of the 14th Amendment. The surprise is the degree to which the Warren Court took psychological testimony, the self esteem argument, into account. Separate schools, they concluded, could not be equal simply because of the stigma that separation imposed on black children. Full and equal citizens must enjoy the right to participate fully and equally in the society.

The book traces the progress of desegregation from 1954 onward, including busing and other measures to force integration. Mr. Irons laments the limited success of these measures in achieving their objective, equal educational and financial achievement by blacks in an integrated society.

Why, then, do differences persist? Mr. Irons argues that ongoing differences result from continued de facto separation of the races in schools, the inferior economic status of blacks, and the high incidence of single mothers among the black population. These situations perpetuate a cycle of lower expectations, lower self-esteem and lower achievement among blacks. Take them away, he suggests, and blacks would perform at the same level as everyone else in society.

Mr. Irons takes the obligatory swipe at "The Bell Curve," leading with the phrase "Virtually all reputable scholars reject claims, most recently leveled by Richard Herrenstein and Charles Murray.....who conducted no research of their own." It is true that they saw their task as compilation.. They acknowledged that the relationships among social status, income, intelligence and race are vastly complex. Their goal was to bring together and analyze all the significant statistical data from diverse studies in many countries over many decades. Though one would not know it from the reception it got, the book is not even primarily about race. Mr. Irons did not footnote his claim about "all reputable scholars." The only one he cites, Richard Nisbett, has not written a book on the subject, only a 16-page tract entitled "Race Genetics and IQ," ..It cites a handful of studies with limited numbers of subjects dating mostly from the 1930s to the 1970s. Mr. Irons chooses to ignore a number of published authors he must regard as disreputable, among them William Shockley, Arthur Jensen, and Philippe Rushton. Whatever their shortcomings, they have published books to offer their thoughts for public scrutiny. Mr. Irons should not have ducked the chance to refute them.

Mr. Irons is totally focused on U.S. society. The book would be richer, though his thesis would be more difficult to support, if he were to consider the situation of blacks elsewhere in the world. He would find that whatever their situation with regard to education and income, the degree of equality between blacks and whites in the U.S far exceeds that in any other part of the world, including Africa, Europe, the Caribbean and Latin America. Jim Crow is a weak explanation for the status of blacks in France or Haiti.

Thinkers throughout the history of our country, including great minds such as deTocqueville Twain and Mencken have devoted a great deal of thought to the natures of the races and relationships between them. While there is no agreement, all would say it is tremendously complex. School integration and busing were simple ideas that had their opportunity to resolve the situation. They didn't. We can thank Mr. Irons for a wonderful history lesson. Sadly, his thinking is trapped in his own history.

Rating:
Summary: Very well done though I had two qualms
Review: This book is clearly the result of a great deal of thought and effortand I recommend it to anyone interested in the subject. It really causes one to question the commonly held assumption (at least perhaps among whites) that all of the issues involving forced segregation and the negative consequences that flowed therefrom more or less evaporated in 1954 or shortly thereafter. Quite to the contrary, the book shows how, in may ways (though obviously not in all), there are almost more similarities between the state of American education and race relations between, say, 1953 and today than there are dissimilarities. In that sense, the Brown case may have accomplished a whole lot less than is commonly imagined. For this reason alone, the book is valuable.

I did have two qualms with the book however. The more trivial one is that I thought that the numerous statistics were confusingly presented, perhaps because the author tried to summarize them in prose rather than in charts. There were repeated times that I had to re-read those portions of the book and I feel that that was mostly because the author did not do a good job of clearly summarizing the statistical information for his readers. I feel that the use of charts would have been more helpful (and perhaps more dramatic as well in terms of proving the author's points).

My other complaint goes to the issue of the remedy to the problem. It seems to me (and I think that the author concedes as much) that a good portion of the reason for the problems that exist today relate to changes in demographics, culture and societal forces which are beyond the power of the courts or the legislature to change--just as some judges and commentators have stated. To be sure, these changes include white flight to the suburbs, but nevertheless people live where they live and little can be done about that. Thus, in that sense, to the extent that most children attend schools in which their own race predominates (as in the pre-Brown days), I'm not sure that I would call that a "failure" or a "broken promise" of the Brown decision. The author seems to take this point as a given, but then proceeds to say that we should not give up; that we should keep trying to fulfill the promises of the Brown case notwithstanding that; that we should search for the harder solution.

One possibility for that solution is of course a modified "separate but equal" solution in which separation still exists (though for societal reasons and not due to legally sanctioned segregation) but this time with true equality in terms of funding, teachers, facilities, etc. In other words, make the black schools just as good as the white schools.

Irons seems to disapprove of this solution on a number of grounds, and I tend to agree with him. As Thurgood Marshall stated, the idea and the ideal is true integration between the races and NOT separate but equal, even if there were true "equality" in the senses I have stated.

But, if we rule out this possibility, doesn't this leave only one other possibility, that being busing? Irons never comes right out and advocates a return to the days of busing (perhaps because it remains a political hot button issue), but it seems to me that there is no other alternative which he leaves open to us. With that in mind, I would have preferred him to come out more directly and specifically with his own solution to the problem which he lays out so well. I believe that the only solution he leaves us with is busing, but he seems reluctant to come out and say that in so many words. If that his solution however, I think that the book would have benefitted from a discussion as to how busing might work today and how it might overcome the problems it faced in the 1970's. On the other hand, if he has in mind some other solution, I would have liked him to say what that is.

Rating:
Summary: Very well done though I had two qualms
Review: This book is clearly the result of a great deal of thought and effortand I recommend it to anyone interested in the subject. It really causes one to question the commonly held assumption (at least perhaps among whites) that all of the issues involving forced segregation and the negative consequences that flowed therefrom more or less evaporated in 1954 or shortly thereafter. Quite to the contrary, the book shows how, in may ways (though obviously not in all), there are almost more similarities between the state of American education and race relations between, say, 1953 and today than there are dissimilarities. In that sense, the Brown case may have accomplished a whole lot less than is commonly imagined. For this reason alone, the book is valuable.

I did have two qualms with the book however. The more trivial one is that I thought that the numerous statistics were confusingly presented, perhaps because the author tried to summarize them in prose rather than in charts. There were repeated times that I had to re-read those portions of the book and I feel that that was mostly because the author did not do a good job of clearly summarizing the statistical information for his readers. I feel that the use of charts would have been more helpful (and perhaps more dramatic as well in terms of proving the author's points).

My other complaint goes to the issue of the remedy to the problem. It seems to me (and I think that the author concedes as much) that a good portion of the reason for the problems that exist today relate to changes in demographics, culture and societal forces which are beyond the power of the courts or the legislature to change--just as some judges and commentators have stated. To be sure, these changes include white flight to the suburbs, but nevertheless people live where they live and little can be done about that. Thus, in that sense, to the extent that most children attend schools in which their own race predominates (as in the pre-Brown days), I'm not sure that I would call that a "failure" or a "broken promise" of the Brown decision. The author seems to take this point as a given, but then proceeds to say that we should not give up; that we should keep trying to fulfill the promises of the Brown case notwithstanding that; that we should search for the harder solution.

One possibility for that solution is of course a modified "separate but equal" solution in which separation still exists (though for societal reasons and not due to legally sanctioned segregation) but this time with true equality in terms of funding, teachers, facilities, etc. In other words, make the black schools just as good as the white schools.

Irons seems to disapprove of this solution on a number of grounds, and I tend to agree with him. As Thurgood Marshall stated, the idea and the ideal is true integration between the races and NOT separate but equal, even if there were true "equality" in the senses I have stated.

But, if we rule out this possibility, doesn't this leave only one other possibility, that being busing? Irons never comes right out and advocates a return to the days of busing (perhaps because it remains a political hot button issue), but it seems to me that there is no other alternative which he leaves open to us. With that in mind, I would have preferred him to come out more directly and specifically with his own solution to the problem which he lays out so well. I believe that the only solution he leaves us with is busing, but he seems reluctant to come out and say that in so many words. If that his solution however, I think that the book would have benefitted from a discussion as to how busing might work today and how it might overcome the problems it faced in the 1970's. On the other hand, if he has in mind some other solution, I would have liked him to say what that is.