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Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order

Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order

List Price: $18.00
Your Price: $12.24
Product Info Reviews

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Rating: 4 stars
Summary: An interesting, selective, view of transatlantic relations
Review: In this short book, an elaboration of an article written for Policy Review, Robert Kagan puts forward the following thesis: Europe has entered a Kantian world of perpetual peace where tension is resolved via diplomacy and institutions, while Americans occupy a Hobbesian world where force is the only path to conflict resolution and stability.

The book builds on this idea and discusses the familiar arguments about military spending and the differing views on multilateralism and international law that separate American from Europe. At the same time, Mr. Kagan suggests an original idea to explain the split in the West: the European Union, he argues, is predicated on the notion that institutions can resolve deep historical conflicts; if European were to accept the Hobbesian view, Mr. Kagan argues, they would deny the revolutionary nature of their project, as well as its implications for other regions of the world.

Still, this book is selective: there is little mention of Somalia, where Americans withdrew to avoid casualties, or Rwanda, where French forces moved in before UN peacekeepers. The British intervention in Sierra Leone and the French one in Cote d'Ivoire are similar examples of the European attitude to force, which hardly coincide with Mr. Kagan's view.

Mr. Kagan has argued, in essence, that the Europeans lack the collective capacity to act; but their attitude to power might not be as scornful as Mr. Kagan suggests. Still, it is impossible to study the relationship between Europe and America, and their respective roles in the world today, without reading this book.

Rating: 4 stars
Summary: Time for a 'decent respect for the opinion of mankind'?
Review: Power makes its own morality.

That, in essence, is the message of this book. It's an old theme. As Walther von der Vogelweide (c. 1160 - 1230) once said, "Might is right." Kagan justifies the unilateral use of power with the argument of the schoolyard bully, "He did it first."

The book is a brief, eloquent and brilliant exposition of the arrogance of American machtpolitik that infuriates Europe and much of the rest of humanity. Kagan explains, East Europeans who lived under dictators understand the imposition of American power; those who were force-fed democracy by the Americans and British after World War II, such as Germany and France, oppose the new American unilateralism.

Kagan skillfully outlines how, during the Cold War, Europe relied on American power to safeguard their freedom. When nations entrust others to defend their freedom, which is basically the meaning of the American nuclear deterrent, it's hardly surprising that one country becomes all-powerful and others atrophy into paper weasels.

The book is clearly relevant to the current war in Iraq, and Kagan asserts, "Had Al Gore been elected, and had there been no terrorist attacks on September 11, these programs -- aimed squarely at Bush's 'axis of evil' -- would still be underway."

Great Britain is now the only European nation with a lion's heart, as the Falklands' war showed. France, under De Gaulle, built a "force de frappe" merely to bolster their self-esteem ("frappe" translates as "milkshake"). Kagan makes the point, "The American nuclear guarantee deprived Europeans of the incentive to spend the kind of money that would have been necessary to restore them to military great-power status."

It wasn't risk-free. Rather than retreat to a Fortress America, Kagan says, "It was American military strategy to risk nuclear attack upon its otherwise unthreatened homeland in order to deter both nuclear and conventional attacks on European and Asian allies."

Americans expect gratitude and support for taking such risks. Now, and this is especially true after Sept. 11, 2001, America views the world as threatened by an immoral Hobbesian chaos which must be tamed by decisive military force. Kagan says Europeans have an "emphasis on negotiation, diplomacy, and commercial ties, on international law over the use of force, on seduction over coercion, on multilateralism over unilateralism.

"Who knows better than Europeans the dangers that arise from unbridled power politics, from an excessive reliance on military force, from policies produced by nationbal egoism and ambition, even from balance of power and raison d'etat?" Kagan asks.

Kagan bases his views on practical experience, including four years in the State Department under President Ronald Reagan. He is now director of the 'U.S. Leadership Project' at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

In contrast to the current policies, which are more blunt but otherwise quite similar to Clinton policies, he thinks America should remember some words from the Declaration of Independence and show a "decent respect for the opinion of mankind."

"But, after all, it is more than a cliché that the United States and Europe share a set of common Western beliefs. Their aspirations for humanity are much the same, even if their vast disparity of power has now put them in very different places. Perhaps it is not too naively optimistic to believe that a little common understanding could still go a long way," he concludes.

Ten years ago, Francis Fukuyama declared history was over. This book shows history is a phoenix arising from the ashes of such irrational exuberance.

This book opens up a hornets' nest of ideas. Kagan succinctly describes the growing rift between America and Europe, but leaves the reader to decide who is wrong and what might be done to correct the imbalance. Do we really want a Europe powerful enough to challenge America? Do we really want a continuing imbalance of power? Can gentle words tame an opportunistic dictator? Is the status quo acceptable? How can nations limit the powerful?

Kagan deftly outlines the problem. He's very unAmerican in not offering a unilateral solution. He leaves it to readers who like to think to consider the alternatives.

Rating: 2 stars
Summary: Dreamy
Review: I only got a few pages into this book when I realized the author must be living in a fantasy land. His notions about the "traditional" view of Americans is so far from the truth that the remainder of the book seemed hardly worth reading. Americans have been introspective and isolationist for most of American history. Kagan may not like that fact and there may be valid arguments for why the Washingtonian viewpoint does not work well in reality. But, that's a far different matter than rewriting American history and asserting that Americans believe fervently in intervention and meddling in the affairs of other nations. Kagan may wish everyone was as adventerous in practice as he is in theory, but wishing does not make it so.

Rating: 5 stars
Summary: Great summary of the reasons for the Atlantic difference
Review: In this relatively small book, Kagan lucidly explains the reasons why America and Europe seem so at odds today. This was evidently clear during the run-up to the war in Iraq. He explains how Europe has built for itself (with immense help from America) a post-historical paradise where laws, diplomacy, and institutions become the primary means of settling disputes and facilitating cooperation among nations. As Europe has moved into this state, its military prowess has declined significantly at the same time that America's military capabilities have soared. America doesn't flinch to use force to subdue rogue nations and confront despots around the world while Europe favors bargaining with the same, in the hope that they will adopt reasonable, sensible policies.

These two perspectives are worlds apart, and Kagan explains how this came about. Ironically, Europe's post-historical paradise was large built with American money, support, and direct contribution. It was America that created the United Nations, delivered the Marshall plan, and encouraged EU integration. Nations with economic and political ties are less likely to war with one another, dragging American resources in with them. These things are largely the result of the exporting of the American ideal. That ideal which values freedom, democracy, the rule of law, peaceful relations, pluralism, and the pursuit of economic growth are decidedly American in nature. America was borne of Europeans and the Enlightenment, and the spread of these goals around the world and to Europe represent a re-export of enlightenment ideas.

But, in order to preserve stability and order in the world, someone needs to carry a big stick. Despots like Kim Jong Il (sp?), Saddam Hussein, Ayatollah Kameini, Robert Mugabe, et al. do not value these ideals and occasionally need to be confronted with force. Europe flinches at the notion, America exercises when necessary. Europe lacks even the capability to do so, and is apprehensive about such things. This, according to the author, is the root of the misunderstanding. America's lack of appreciation for the history and recent modernization of Europe, and Europe's lack of appreciation for the necessary might of America to protect the free world. Indeed, without the protection of America's nuclear umbrella, Western Europe would not have remained free during the Cold War. Beyond these differences, however, Europe and America have a tremendous amount in common. Both value liberty, freedom, democracy, and seek peace and prosperity. They differ on how to protect these values and ensure the attainment of these common goals.

This book doesn't go into much depth, which is its primary weakness but also one of its strengths: it can be read in one sitting. For those looking for a brief and sensible explanation why the Atlantic divide seems so wide these days, this book is excellent. For what it sets out to do, it deserves five stars.

Rating: 4 stars
Summary: Important ... and mostly true
Review: As an American citizen who writes about European affairs and is based in Europe, I have always felt able to understand the cultures that dominate either side of the Atlantic better than most, which is one reason why I was so eager to read Of Paradise and Power. It's a thin volume and presented in a straightforward way that is easy to read (i.e., it's not just for policy wonks and Ph.D. candidates) and which packs a powerful punch. For anyone looking to understand the increasingly obvious differences between the two parts of the world, this book is obligatory.

Kagan's basic premise is that the two power bases have long been more different than either was willing to admit (mostly in terms of the relative reliance on force vs. diplomacy), and that the differences were masked by the Cold War rather than a product of the conclusion of it, and that is a point he backs up well. In fact, if one remembers that these words were based on a Policy Review essay written in the middle of last year -- before the current crisis between the U.S. and Germany/France -- the author's insight seems even greater.

My criticisms of the book come from part of the conclusion Kagan makes. He says, for example, that the difficulties between the U.S. and Europe would have shown themselves no matter who was in charge and no matter what else happened in the world, yet I cannot believe that is true. Would a more cosmopolitan and diplomatic team in the White House have so easily galvanized European anti-Americanism? If Sept. 11 not happened, would the situation have boiled over so quickly? Would Schroeder have been so vocally anti-American if he had not faced re-election as the Iraq problems started to develop? Would Chirac have taken such a strong stance if he did not feel France's power slipping in other areas? At times, the conclusion Kagan draws seems to show some of the eagerness for simple explanations to complex problems that he criticizes elsewhere.

Also, I find the price for such a slim volume more than a bit high, and the opportune release of the book at a moment when the Atlantic divide dominates the world's editorial pages is a testament to Alfred A. Knopf's business acumen.

But none of that is a reason to skip this important book. The tome is full of meaty ideas to chew on, and in speaking with friends involved in politics on both sides of the Atlantic, I can attest to the powerful impact that Kagan's ideas are having. It is a must read for anyone looking to understand the events shaping the western world ... or even those simply looking to participate in cocktail party conversation with those who are.

Rating: 4 stars
Summary: Americans are from Mars, Europeans are from Venus
Review: This is a polemic, and not actually a very good one. There are 101 pages without a break for a chapter - is this an essay or a speech? Then we get a 54 page afterword - phew!

There are some good soundbites though, such as - the USA remains mired in history exercising power in a world where international rules and laws are unreliable, and where true security still depends upon the possession and use of military might.

I couldn't agree with the viewpoint that when the USA acts in its own interests, it necessarily serves the interests of everyone.

It accuses Europeans (read the French) that the risks from the "axis of evil" will never be as great as the risk from an American Leviathan unbound.

But I think it asks too much of the rest of the world, to trust in America, when America won't subject itself to any moderating influences, whether it be the UN or the International Courts.

A book aimed at educating the Europeans, but I'd rather have a seen a more balanced view to also re-educate the Americans.

Rating: 2 stars
Summary: Dreamy
Review: I only got a few pages into this book when I realized the author must be living in a fantasy land. His notions about the "traditional" view of Americans is so far from the truth that the remainder of the book seemed hardly worth reading. Americans have been introspective and isolationist for most of American history. Kagan may not like that fact and there may be valid arguments for why the Washingtonian viewpoint does not work well in reality. But, that's a far different matter than rewriting American history and asserting that Americans believe fervently in intervention and meddling in the affairs of other nations. Kagan may wish everyone was as adventerous in practice as he is in theory, but wishing does not make it so.

Rating: 5 stars
Summary: an excellent and extremely balanced assessment
Review: Paradise and Power presents the historical basis for the differences between the US and Europe in thinking and approach to international intervention. Robert Kagan's observations and assessments are refreshingly dispassionate. I highly recommend this book for its excellent and balanced assessment.

Rating: 5 stars
Summary: America is from Mars, Europe is from Venus
Review: In his essay 'Of Paradise and Power', Robert Kagan offers a historical perspective of the relationship between America and the European nations as a whole, while pointing out the different paths they have traveled over the last two hundred plus years. During America's history, the nation has gone from a weak and youthful nation to the dominate economic and military power it is today. The Europeans, on the other hand, have evolved from the imperialistic, nationalistic nations of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which were often at war with each other or in other parts of the world, to the nations that were decimated in the first half of the twentieth century by war, to the current state of European unity. Kagan details how this came about in broad historical terms and how America played a major role and probably essential part in helping Europe enjoy a period of relative peace and harmony amoung the European nations. His recounting of the past lives of the European continent and the American nation gives Europeans and Americans a way to understand the current hostility that exists between us over the use of American military force around the world, especially in Iraq, and the refusal of some European nations to go along with the American government. According to Kagan, the Europeans enjoy the luxuries of multilateralism, integration, and compromise because of the presence of American military power in Europe since World War II. The decline in the military power of the European nations in contrast to the rise in American military power leaves Europeans with no choice but to take the view of weak nations who rely on negotiations, inducements, economic interdependence and international law to navigate the perils of international conflict. Kagan's hope is that Americans and Europeans can come to understand how their nations have arrived at this point in time, what their roles are in the world, and develop a respect for each other and self-esteem for themselves. In his conclusion, he asks what can be done about the current schism that exists between Europe and America and he states that the obvious answer is Europe should build up its military. But this is not the only answer he arrives at. His better answer is what I stated before. Europe should recognize the importance of a dominant America and enjoy its paradise, its peace relative to the conflicts of the past. Of paradise (Europe) and power (America).

Rating: 5 stars
Summary: **Great Job Portraying the Current Societal Differences**
Review: The subtitle of this treatise: "America and Europe in the New World Order", accurately describes its premise. Author Robert Kagan creatively weaves modern historical trends and events into a format that helps one understand the growing differences in the two societies. For a long time, the goals of the two greatest fronts for Western Civilization were related and intertwined. Now, the goals and desires in Europe and the USA have deviated significantly.

This work is more than a 9/11 follow-up. The book helps lay out what trends and behaviors have helped to form the opinions dominating both continents. It does not offer solutions to the current situation, nor does it make judgements on either side. But it does do an excellent job of describing why American leaders think like they do and why much of European society is unprepared for the America of the 21st Century.

A very enjoyable and quick read of barely 100 pages, this is a terrific addition of knowledge to both the educated political reader, and the political neophyte trying to get a handle on current events. I rate this book at 4.65 out of 5.00 stars, rounding up to 5.00 stars. It is very highly recommended.


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